Earthquakes are devastating for those who have lost loved ones, homes and livelihoods, but for military dictators clinging to power, such disasters can also bring opportunity. <\/p>\n
Myanmar\u2019s military rulers have spent the past four years waging a brutal civil war across the Southeast Asian country, sending columns of troops on bloody rampages, torching and bombing villages, massacring residents, jailing opponents and forcing young men and women to join the army. <\/p>\n
The junta is headed by a widely reviled army chief who overthrew the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi and installed himself as leader. <\/p>\n
But like with most aspiring strongmen, Sen. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing\u2019s rule is precarious. He and his cronies have been sanctioned and spurned internationally, the economy is in tatters, and his military is losing significant territory in a grinding, multi-front war against a determined resistance. <\/p>\n
By some accounts, he barely controls 30% of the country. <\/p>\n
So when a powerful 7.7-magnitude earthquake struck central Myanmar on March 28, killing more than 3,700 people and causing widespread devastation, the general moved rapidly to bolster his position with a rare plea for international help. <\/p>\n
\u201cMin Aung Hlaing is leveraging the earthquake for regional engagement and electoral legitimacy,\u201d said Kyaw Hsan Hlaing, a PhD student in political science at Cornell University. <\/p>\n
\u201cThe humanitarian crisis gives him a pretext to open channels he\u2019d long shut.\u201d <\/p>\n
Those openings included a face-to-face meeting last month between the junta leader and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, which currently holds the rotating chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The regional bloc had shunned high-level talks with Myanmar since the coup, to avoid legitimizing the junta. <\/p>\n
Following the meeting in the Thai capital Bangkok, Anwar said he had a \u201cfrank and constructive discussion\u201d with the general, focused on humanitarian assistance for quake-hit communities and the extension of a military-declared ceasefire to facilitate aid deliveries. <\/p>\n
\u201cFor Min Aung Hlaing, securing even a veneer of regional legitimacy now lays political groundwork: He can argue \u2018Look, neighbors trust me enough to talk,\u2019 even as democratic leaders and exile groups remain excluded from the table,\u201d said Kyaw Hsan Hlaing. <\/p>\n
Some say now is the time for countries to engage with Myanmar\u2019s military rulers, to push for dialogue and peace. <\/p>\n
Four years of war has ravaged the country; 3 million people have been displaced by the fighting and the earthquake has only deepened an already dire humanitarian crisis in which at least 20 million people need aid. <\/p>\n
\u201cThe main concern is the humanitarian situation. Sometimes, when we have this kind of crisis, it\u2019s an opportunity for all the parties to try to come together, to think of the interests of the people\u2026 maybe it could lead to some kind of dialogue process,\u201d said Sihasak Phuangketkeow, a former deputy foreign affairs minister of Thailand who has been part of his country\u2019s efforts to engage the State Administration Council, the junta\u2019s official name. <\/p>\n
In recent months, Min Aung Hlaing has enjoyed a series of diplomatic engagements. <\/p>\n
As bodies were still being pulled from the rubble of the quake, the general was shaking hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of a regional meeting in Bangkok. <\/p>\n
Rights groups and civil society organizations said his presence at the BIMSTEC summit amounted to the gathering lending legitimacy to a war criminal. <\/p>\n
India said its bilateral meeting, set up to facilitate disaster relief, provided an opportunity to push the junta for \u201cinclusive dialogue\u201d and underline that there could be \u201cno military solution to the conflict.\u201d <\/p>\n
That meeting came a month after Min Aung Hlaing\u2019s high-profile state visit to Russia to boost cooperation with President Vladimir Putin, his longtime ally and main arms supplier. <\/p>\n
Above all for the junta leader, domestic legitimacy is key in order to maintain his regime. And regional support for his planned elections, slated to be held later this year, is the first step in securing that. <\/p>\n
Since seizing power, Min Aung Hlaing has repeatedly promised elections. <\/p>\n
But with most of the democratic camp in exile or jail, Suu Kyi\u2019s National League for Democracy dissolved, and the military\u2019s widespread repression of the people, such a vote would never be considered free or fair, observers say. <\/p>\n
Min Aung Hlaing\u2019s March invitation to election observers from Belarus \u2013 Europe\u2019s last dictatorship \u2013 appeared to underscore their point. <\/p>\n
\u201cWe have to make it very clear that for the election to be credible, it has to have inclusive dialogue,\u201d said Sihasak, who is now secretary-general of the Asian Peace and Reconciliation Council. <\/p>\n
\u201cIt is not a blank check,\u201d he added. \u201cIt\u2019s an opportunity for us to engage, but not engage in a way that supports legitimacy, but to impress upon the regime that they have to also make concessions.\u201d <\/p>\n
Some observers say the junta cannot be trusted to make concessions, when the military\u2019s history is littered with false promises masking an unending stream of atrocities. <\/p>\n
Even as Malaysia\u2019s Anwar was touting the military\u2019s so-called ceasefire to help quake-hit communities, the junta was restricting aid and intensifying its deadly campaign with airstrikes in opposition areas that have reportedly killed dozens of civilians. <\/p>\n
Analysts warn that the military will use greater engagement as a pretext to normalize diplomatic ties and entrench its authoritarian rule. <\/p>\n
\u201cIf you negotiate with the devil without red lines, that is complicity,\u201d said Adelina Kamal, an independent analyst and member of the Southeast Asian Women Peace Mediators network. <\/p>\n
Kamal said the international community risks being \u201cdeceived into the military\u2019s stage performance,\u201d where elections would be \u201can illusion of democratic transition.\u201d <\/p>\n
In 2008, when parts of the country were ravaged by powerful Cyclone Nargis, the military regime at the time pushed ahead with a constitutional referendum that paved the way for a semi-civilian government but cemented the military\u2019s influence on the country\u2019s politics. <\/p>\n
With a new military-drafted constitution in place, the regime \u2013 called the State Peace and Development Council \u2013 held elections in 2010 widely regarded as a sham. <\/p>\n
Today\u2019s junta is \u201ctaking a page from the SPDC\u2019s playbook to assert and retain its political role,\u201d said Moe Thuzar, coordinator of the Myanmar studies program at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. <\/p>\n
\u201cThe people of Myanmar have made it amply clear since 2021 about their mistrust in the military\u2019s statements about elections, and view elections in the current situation as potentially leading to more violence.\u201d <\/p>\n
Those who have firsthand experience of that violence say actions speak louder than words. <\/p>\n
\u201cTalking to Min Aung Hlaing will not bring any political solution and satisfy what the majority of people want,\u201d said Khun Bedu, chairman of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force, which is fighting the military in the country\u2019s southeast. <\/p>\n
The Karen National Union, which has been fighting the military since independence from Britain more than 70 years ago, said inclusive dialogue cannot happen without first a ceasefire and the delivery of humanitarian assistance. <\/p>\n
There is hope, however, from some quarters that progress could be made this year. <\/p>\n
Following his talks with the junta leader, Malaysia\u2019s Anwar also held a widely praised virtual meeting with Mahn Win Khaing Than, prime minister of the National Unity Government, in ASEAN\u2019s first public face-to-face with Myanmar\u2019s shadow administration of lawmakers deposed in the coup. <\/p>\n
The NUG, which considers itself the legitimate government of Myanmar, has repeatedly insisted on engaging all stakeholders to solve the crisis. <\/p>\n
\u201cI see 2025 as the year, with the election coming in and with this crisis, that we can either win the peace or we can lose the peace,\u201d said Sihasak, the former Thai minister. <\/p>\n
To get there, international partners should \u201ctie any dialogue to verifiable steps\u201d including \u201cgenuine humanitarian corridors, release of political prisoners, and binding guarantees of inclusive talks,\u201d said Kyaw Hsan Hlaing at Cornell. <\/p>\n
\u201cOtherwise, engagement simply extends the junta\u2019s lifeline at the expense of the Burmese people\u2019s aspirations for democracy,\u201d he said. <\/p>\n<\/p>\n
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